By Nigel Alderman, C. D. Blanton
This quantity introduces scholars to crucial figures, activities and tendencies in post-war British and Irish poetry.
- An old review and important advent to the poetry released in Britain and eire during the last half-century
- Introduces scholars to figures together with Philip Larkin, Ted Hughes, Seamus Heaney, and Andrew Motion
- Takes an integrative process, emphasizing the complicated negotiations among the British and Irish poetic traditions, and pulling jointly competing developments and positions
- Written by means of critics from Britain, eire, and the United States
- Includes feedback for additional studying and a chronology, detailing an important writers, volumes and events
Read or Download A Concise Companion to Postwar British and Irish Poetry PDF
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Additional resources for A Concise Companion to Postwar British and Irish Poetry
For Eliot, it is French. Consider “Petit Epître,” the first of the spring 1917 efforts: Ce n’est pas pour quo’on se dégoute Ou gout d’égout de mon Ego Qu’ai fait des vers de faits divers Qui sentent un peu trop la choucroute. Mais qu’est ce que j’ai fait, nom d’un nom, Pour faire ressortir les chacals? (Eliot 1996: 86) 1 Eliot’s antipathy to the premises and methods of modern Liberalism, the majority power in literary and political London in 1914, may be thought of as one source of his shutting down poetically when he arrives in Britain in August 1914.
Gladstone preserved the ethic and method of moral rationalism. This liberal tradition of public reason maintained that armed force required an informed act of logical conscience, a choice reasoned freely and in public and in accord with the loftiest moral values (see Rawls 1996 for the best representation of this salient value and its comprehensive practice in Western political tradition: especially xxiv, xxvi–xxviii, xxx, 47–59, 212–27). To the other side, Liberal imperialists proceeded under the operative standards of realpolitik.
In Grey’s conclusion that Britain must go to France’s aid, even when Germany has vowed not to move on any undefended areas, the writer accurately intuits that the Secretary is being compelled by forces that exceed those of the moral rationale he has claimed. “His reasons are extraordinary,” the editorial demurs. “Is it rational? Can it be deduced, we will not say from the terms of the Entente, but from the account of secret conversations which was given yesterday? Can it be reconciled with any reasonable view of British policy?